The efforts of the Indian-American community have consequently led to a maturation of politics previously unseen within this specific minority group in Georgia, and the advances made in the election continue to build as Indian-Americans overcome the problems and hindrances to political action and awareness that previously dominated the community. The supporters of Majette have not ceased to interact with her and have not let up on their goals as a community, different from the nature of short-term and oscillating support of the past. Continuing communication with Majette and inviting her and other politicians such as governor Sonny Perdue to community events such as the Festival of India (Hentschel, 2003) and the Indian-American beauty pageant (www.ilw.com, 2003) marked the dedication to hold representatives and politicians responsible following support. The problem of not holding politicians responsible has, in the past, been a hallmark of Indian-American participation; Contractor and Parekh note in their article in a metaphor relating political accountability to purchasing merchandise at the store that rather than “receiving the merchandise on government checkouts . . . the Indian community like many others have cared less and walked out” (Contractor & Parekh, 2002). The Majette election has shown a turnaround from this previous quality of Indian-American political participation. Jeannie Layson, a staff worker in Majette’s office, has said that Congresswoman Majette honors her commitment to the Indian-American community in her district in various ways. Majette has planned to visit India with a congressional delegation in the spring of 2004, in order to understand the “cultural, political, and economic landscape” of the old country of so many of her constituents, and she intends to explore trade issues during her trip. This activity among others shows the continuing relationship between Majette and the Indian-Americans of her constituency, suggesting that the political awareness and efforts of the community has not subsided or disappeared by any means since the election (Layson, 2003). As former IACA president Mr. Agnihotri remarks, the fourth district campaign “established a framework from which to run future elections” (Agnihotri, 2003) and the community continues to use the lessons learned and advances made through this campaign to further political awareness and activities.
Other elections and political situations in Georgia and in the South reflect a changing Indian-American role in political action. Indian-Americans supporting Sonny Perdue in his campaign for governorship have been appointed to positions such as the Georgia Regional Transportation Authority and various other state-wide committees (Contractor, 2003). As in the case of Shi Shailendra, who raised two hundred thousand dollars for Govenor Roy Barnes and received an appointment to the same Transportation Authority board, and similarly in the case of the Perdue supporters, following up campaign support with an active role in an office or position shows the longer term dedication to political action by Indian-Americans not previously expressed (Parekh, 2002). Also, political organizations have increased their activities and involvement in a variety of fashions in Georgia. Dr. Narasimhan, who launched the GIAPAC, continues to use it and expand it as a platform for disseminating information among the Indian-American community, stimulating grassroots efforts, and raising funds for political actions. The Georgia Chapter of IAFPE also has expanded its efforts to get the community involved in politics and is complemented by the Democratic equivalent, the Indo American Democrats of Georgia (Parekh, 2002). As previously noted, through communication and education of representatives, eight of the eleven Congressmen from Georgia now vote along Indian and Indian-American interests, and credit is claimed by these various active political organizations. Georgia’s politics continue to demonstrate an expansion of awareness and action by Indian-Americans that has not ended with the successful Majette campaign, but rather has continued off of the momentum from that particular project.
Other elections show a potential for even further Indian-American political activism in the South. The loss of former Representative Earl Hilliard in Alabama to Artur Davis in the primary despite his incumbency shared some of the same qualities of the primary involving Majette. Hilliard voted against Indian interests as did McKinney, although he did not become such a controversial figure in doing so. However, his work and opinions for Middle Eastern interests and Palestinians eventually appeared to become one-sided to Jewish contributors, who sent their full backing with his opponent Davis (“Hilliard Says . . .”, 2002). In this situation, Indian-Americans in Alabama could also have exercised a political presence, but nothing significant occurred in terms of a response to Hilliard with regards to Indian issues. A Davis staff member, Daryl Perkins, notes that although a significant Indian-American population exists in the district and there has been interaction between Davis staff with the community at a minimal level, the campaign noted nothing notable in terms of support from that community prior to the election (Perkins, 2003). The similarity of the situation to the fourth district election suggests that the model for action and awareness used in support of Majette could be implemented in Davis’ district to mobilize Indian-American support there. Also, the Louisiana race for the governorships marks a very notable election involving Indian-American interests. Bobby Jindal, running against Democrat Kathleen Blanco, demonstrated the viability of a Indian-American candidate even in the South for such a high-profile position as governor. His support came in large part from Indian-Americans who contributed thirty to forty percent of his campaign’s finances (Contractor, 2003). Despite his loss, Jindal’s election demonstrated that nationally, regionally, and at the state level, Indian-Americans in cooperation with their allies and associated organizations can take political participation realistically to high-level, nationally important seats. Consequently, the South demonstrates even further potential to realize Indian-American political strength and presents instances through which the lessons of the 2002 fourth district election of Georgia can be implemented in other locations.
The developments and advances evidenced in the Indian-American community’s
political efforts in Majette’s election and in other endeavors throughout
Georgia and the South show that this minority community is indeed expanding
its influence and gaining more experience and efficacy. Although progress must
continue, Indian-Americans are proceeding in the right direction to overcome
the barriers to political participation that have existed due to their history
and the nature of the community. The community now begins to realize its political
potential in proportion to its means; for a group with a median household income
ranking higher than that of any other ethnicity in the U.S., that potential
is high despite the smaller numbers in population. Majette’s election
and the work and lessons associated with it provides a model for future activism.
It represents a positive step for Indian-Americans in Georgia and in the South.
If the community continues to foster this growth in political participation
and understanding, then its interests will be better served and the Indian-Americans
population will realize that their role in politics is important and goes beyond
merely the voting strength of its members.
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